Early Church Fathers
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1 "Augustinus praesertim in `Civitate Dei 0' virtutem Christianae sapientiae, qua parte necessitudinem habet cum republica, tanto in lumine collocavit, ut non tam pro Christianis sui temporis dixisse caussam quam de criminibus falsis perpetuum triumphum egisse videatur." I quote from the Paris edition of the Acta Leonis Papae XIII., 1886, p. 284.
2 An older translation appeared under the title: Of the citie of God, with the learned comments of Jo. Lodovicus Vives, Englished first by J. H., and now in this second edition compared with the Latin original, and in very many places corrected and amended, London, 1620. The Oxford Library of the Fathers does not include the City of God nor Christian Doctrine. In French there are, it seems, no less than eight independent translations of the Civitas Dei, the best by Ernile Saisset, with introduction and notes, Paris, 1855, 4 vols. gr. in 18. Moreau's translation includes the Latin original, Paris, 1846 and 1854, in 3 vols. The Latin text alone is found in the 7th vol. of the Benedictine edition (1685). A handy (stereotyped) edition was published by C. Tauchnitz, Lipsiae, 1825, in 2 vols.; another by Jos. Strange, Coloniae, 1850, in 2 vols.
3 "De Dortrina Christiana libri quatuor", included in the third vol. (1680) of the Benedictine edition at the head of the exegetical works. A separate edition uas published by Car. Herm. Bruder, ed. stereotype, Lips. (Tauchnitz), 1838. A German translation (Vier Bucher uber die christliche Lehre) by Remigius Storf was published at Kempten, 1877, in Thalhofer's "Bibliothek der Kirchenvater."
4 See some admirable remarks on this subject in the useful work of Beugnot, Histoire de la Destruction du Paganisme, ii. 83 et sqq.
5 As Waterland (iv. 760) does call it, adding that it is "his most learned, most correct, and most elaborate work."
6 For proof, see the Benedictine Preface.
7 "Hitherto the Apologies had been framed to meet particular exigencies: they were either brief and pregnant statements of the Christian doctrines; refutations of prevalent calumnies; invectives against the follies and crimes of Paganism; or confutations of anti-Christian works like those of Celsus, Porphyry, or Julian, closely following their course of argument, and rarely expanding into general and comprehensive views of the great conflict."-Milman, History of Christianity, iii. c. 10. We are not acquainted with any more complete preface to the City of God than is contained in the two or three pages which Milman has devoted to this subject.
8 See the interesting remarks of Lactantius, Instit. vii. 25.
9 "Haeet vox et singulyus intercipiunt verba dictantis. Capitur urbs quae totum cepit orbem."-Jerome, iv. 783..
11 This is well brought out by Merivale, Conversion of the Roman Empire, p. 145, etc.
12 Ozanam, History of Civilisation in the Fifth Century (Eng. trans.), ii. 160.
13 Abstracts of the work at greater or less length are given by Dupin, Bindemann, Böhringer, Poujoulat, Ozanam, and others.
14 His words are: "Plus on examine la Cité de Dieu, plus on reste convaincu que cet ouvrage dût exercea tres-peu d' in ifluence sur l'esprit des paiens" (ii. 122.); and this though he thinks one cannot but be struck with the grandeur of the ideas it contains.
15 History of Ecclesiastical Writers, i. 406.
17 Flottes, Etudes sur S. Augustin (Paris, 1861), pp. 154-6, one of the most accurate and interesting even of French monographs on theological writers.
18 These editions will be found detailed in the second volume of Schoenemann's Bibliotheca Pat.
19 His words (in Ep. vi.) are quite worth quoting: "Cura rogo te, ut excudantur aliquot centena exemplarium istius operis a reliquo Agustini corpore separata; nam multi erunt studiosi oui Augustinum totum emere vel nollient, vel non poterunt, quia non egebunt, seu quia tantum pecuniae non habebunt. Scio enim fere a deditis studis istis elegantioribus praeter hoc Augustini opus nullum fere aliud legi ejusdem autoris."
20 The fullest and fairest discussion of the very simple yet never settled question of Augustin's learning will be found in Nourrisson's Philosophie de S. Augustin, ii. 92-100. [Comp. the first vol. of this Nicene Library, p. 9.-P. S.]
22 A large part of it has been translated in Saisset's Pantheism (Clark, Edinburgh).
23 By J. H., published in 1610, and again in 1620, with Vives' commentary.
24 As the letters of Vives are not in every library, we give his comico-pathetic account of the result of his Augustinian labors on his health: "Ex quo Augustinum perfeci, nunquam valui ex sententia; proximâ vero hebdomade et hac, fracto corpore cuncto, et nervis lassitudine quadam et debilitate dejectis, in caput decem turres incumbere mihi videntur incidendo pondere, ac mole intolerabili; isti sunt fructus studiorum, et merces pulcherrimi laboris; quid labor et benefacta juvant?"
1 [Augustin uses the term civitas Dei (po/lij u=eou=) of the church universal as a commonwealth and community founded and governed by God. It is applied in the Bible to Jerusalem or the church of the Old Covenant (Ps. xl. 6, 4; xlviii. 1, 8; lxxxvii. 3), and to the heavenly Jerusalem or the church perfect (Heb. xi. 10, 16; xii. 22; Rev. iii. 12; xxi. 2; xxii, 14, 19). Augustin comprehends under the term the whole Kingdom of God under the Jewish and Christian dispensation both in its militant and triumphant state, and contrasts it with the perishing kingdoms of this world. His work treats of both, but he calls it, a meliore, The City of God.-P. S.]
2 [Marcellinus was a friend of Augustin, and urged him to write this work. He was commissioned by the Emperior Honorius to convene a conference of Catholic and schismatic Donatist bishops in the summer of 411, and conceded the victory to the Catholics; but on account of his rigor in executing the laws against the Donatists, he fell a victim to their revenge, and was honored by a place among the martyrs. See the Letters of Augustin, 133, 136, 138, 139, 143, 151, the notes in this ed., vol. I., 470 and 505, and the Translator's Preface -P. S.]
3 Ps. xciv. 15, rendered otherwise in Eng. ver. [In the Revised Vers.: "Judgment shall return unto righteousness." In Old Testament quotations, Augustin, being ignorant of Hebrew, had to rely on the imperfect Latin version of his day, and was at first even opposed to the revision of Jerome.-P. S.]
5 Virgil, Aeneid, vi. 854. [Parcere subjectis et debellare superbes.-P. S.]
6 [Aug. refers to the sacking of the city of Rome by the West-Gothic King Alaric, 410. He was the most humane of the barbaric invaders and conquerors of Rome, and had embraced Arian Christianity (probably from the teaching of Ulphilas, the Arian bishop and translator of the Bible). He spared the Catholic Christians.-For particulars see Gibbon's Decline and Fall, and Millman's Latin Christianity.-P. S.]
7 The Benedictines remind us that Alexander and Xenophon, at least on some occasions, did so.
8 Virgil, Aeneid, ii. 501-2. The renderings of Virgil are from Conington.
15 Non numina bona, sed omina mala.
17 Though levis was the word usually employed to signify the inconstancy of the Greeks, it is evidently here used, in opposition to immanis of the following clause, to indicate that the Greeks were more civilized than the barbarians, and not relentless, but, as we say, easily moved.
23 So Cyprian (Contra Demetrianum) says: Parnam de adversis mundi ille sentif, cui ei loetitia et gioria omnis in mundo est.
25 Compare with this chapter the first homily of Chrysostom to the people of Antioch.
32 Paulinus was a native of Bordeaux, and both by inheritance and marriage acquired great wealth, which, after his conversion in his thirty-sixth year, he distributed to the poor. He became bishop of Nola in A.D. 409, being then in his fifty-sixth year. Nola was taken by Alaric shortly after the sack of Rome.
33 Much of a kindred nature might be gathered from the Stoics. Antoninus says (ii. 14): "Though thou shouldest be going to live 3000 years, and as many times 10,000 years, still remember that no man loses any other life than this which he now lives, nor lives any other than this which he now loses. The longest and the shortest are thus brought to the same."
34 Augustin expresses himself more fully on this subject in his tract, De cura pro moutuis gerenda.
39 Diogenes especially, and his followers. See also Seneca, De Tranq. c. 14, and Epist. 92; and in Cicero's Tusc. Disp. i. 43, the answer of Theodorus, the Cyrenian philosopher, to Lysimachus, who threatened him with the cross: "Threaten that to your courtiers; it is of no consequence to Theodorus whether he rot in the earth or in the air."
40 Lucan, Pharsalia, vii. 819, of those whom Caesar forbade to be buried after the battle of Pharsalia.
41 Gen. xxv. 10, xxxv. 29, etc.
48 "Second to none," as he is called by Herodotus, who first of all tells his well-known story (Clio. 23, 24).
49 Augustin here uses the words of Cicero ("vigilando peremerunt"), who refers to Regulus, in Pisonem. c 19. Aulus Gellius, quoting Tubero and Tuditanus (vi. 4), adds some further particulars regarding these tortures.
50 As the Stoics generally would affirm.
52 Plutarch's Life of Cato, 72.
58 Originally the spectators had to stand, and now (according to Livy, Ep.. xlviii.) the old custom was restored.
3 Pluvia deft, causa Christiani. Similar accusations and similar replies may be seen in the celebrated passage of Tertullian's Apol. c. 40, and in the eloquent exordium of Arnobius, C. Gentes.
4 Augustin is supposed to refer to Symmachus, who similarly accused the Christians in his address to the Emperor Valentinianus in the year 384. At Augustin's request, Paulus Orosius wrote his history in confutation of Symmachus' charges.
5 Tertullian (Apol. c. 24) mentions Coelestis as specially worshipped in Africa. Augustin mentions her again in the 26th chapter of this book, and in other parts of his works.
6 Berecynthia is one of the many names of Rhea or Cybele. Livy (xxix. 11) relates that the image of Cybele was brought to Rome the day before the ides of April, which was accordingly dedicated as her feast-day. The image, it seems, had to be washed in the stream Almon, a tributary of the Tiber, before being placed in the temple of Victory; and each year, as the festival returned, the washing was repeated with much pomp at the same spot. Hence Lucan's line (i. 600), Et latam parva revocant Almone Cybelen, and the elegant verses of Ovid. Fast. iv. 337 et seq.
8 See Cicero, De Nat. Deor, ii. 24.
10 Fugalia. Vives is uncertain to what feast Augustin refers. Censorinus understands him to refer to a feast celebrating the expulsion of the kings from Rome. This feast, however (celebrated on the 24th of February), was commonly called Regifugium.
12 See below, books viii.-xii.
13 "Galli," the castrated priests of Cybele, who were named after the river Gallus, in Phrygia, the water of which was supposed to intoxicate or madden those who drank it. According to Vitruvius (viii. 3), there was a similar fountain in Paphlagonia. Apuleius (Golden Ass, viii.) gives a graphic and humorous description of the dress, dancing and imposture of these priests; mentioning, among other things, that they lashed themselves with whips and cut themselves with knives till the ground was wet with blood.
15 Ter. Eun. iii. 5. 36; and cf. the similar allusion in Aristoph. Clouds, 1033-4. It may be added that the argument of this chapter was largely used by the wiser of the heathen themselves. Dionysius Hal. (ii. 20) and Seneca (De Brev Vit. c. xvi.) make the very same complaint; and it will be remembered that his adoption of this reasoning was one of the grounds on which Euripides was suspected of atheism.
16 This sentence recalls Augustin's own experience as a boy, which he bewails in his Confessions.
17 Labeo, a jurist of the time of Augustus, learned in law and antiquities, and the author of several works much prized by his own and some succeeding ages. The two articles in Smith's Dictionary on Antistius and Cornelius Labeo should be read.
18 Lectisternia, feasts in which the images of the gods were laid on pillows in the streets, and all kinds of food set before them.
19 According to Livy (vii. 2), theatrical exhibitions were introduced in the year 392 A.u.C. Before that time, he says, there had only been the games of the circus. The Romans sent to Etruria for players, who were called histriones, hister being the Tuscan word for a player. Other particulars are added by Livy.
20 See the Republic, book iii.
21 Comp. Tertullian, De Spectac. c. 22.
22 The Egyptian gods represented with dogs' heads, called by Lucan (viii. 832) semicanes deos.
23 The Fever had, according to Vives, three altars in Rome. See Cicero, De Nat. Deor. iii. 25, and Aelian, Var. Hist. xii. 11.
24 Cicero, De Republica, v. Compare the third Tusculan Quaest. c. ii.
25 In the year A.u. 299, three ambassadors were sent from Rome to Athens to copy Solon's laws, and acquire information about the institutions of Greece. On their return the Decemviri were appointed to draw up a code; and finally, after some tragic interruptions, the celebrated twelve tables were accepted as the fundamental statutes of Roman law (fons universal publici privatique juris). These were graven on brass, and hung up for public information. I.ivy, iii. 31-34.
26 Possibly he refers to Plautus' Persa, iv. 4. 11-14.
27 Sallust, Cat. Con. ix. Compare the similar saying of Tacitus regarding the chastity of the Germans: Plusque ibi bond mores valent, quam alibi bonae leges (Germ. xix.).
28 The same collocation of words is used by Cicero with reference to the well-known mode of renewing the appetite in use among the Romans.
32 Cicero, C. Catilinam, iii. 8.
33 Alluding to the sanctuary given to all who fled to Rome in its early days.
1 Compare Aug. Epist. ad Degogratias, 102, 13; and De Prae. Sanci., 19.
3 Virg, George. i. 502, Laomedontrae luminus perjuria Trajae.
10 Suetonius, in his Life of Julius Caesar (c. 6), relates that, in pronouncing a funeral oration in praise of his aunt Julia, Caesar claimed for the Julian gens to which his family belonged a descent from Venus, through Julus, son of Eneas.
11 Livy, 83, one of the lost books; and Appian, in Mithridat.
12 The gates of Janus were not the gates of a temple, but the gates of a passage called Janus, which was used only for military purposes; shut therefore in peace, open in war.
13 The year of the Consuls T. Manlius and C. Atilius, A.u.C. 519.
"But when Anchises' son surveyed
------------The fair, fair face so ghastly made,
------------He groaned, by tenderness unmanned,
--------And stretched the sympathizing hand," etc.
33 Lectisternia, from lectus, and sterno, I spread.
34 Proletarius, from proles, offspring.
35 the oracle ran: "Dico te, Pyrrhe, vincere posse Romanos."
37 Under the inscription on the temple some person wrote the line, "Vecordiae opus aedem facit Concordiae."-The work of discord makes the temple of Concord.
38 Cicero, in Catilin, iii. sub. fin.
1 In Augustin's letter to Evodius (169), which was written towards the end of the year 415, he mentions that this fourth book and the following one were begun and finished during that same year.
2 Comp. Racon's Essay on the Vicissitudes of Things.
5 Nonius Marcell. borrows this anecdote from Cicero, De Repub. iii.
6 It was extinguished by Crassus in its third year.
7 Cloacina, supposed by Lactantius (De falsa relig. i. 20), Cyprian (De Idol. vanit.), and Augustin (infra, c. 23) to be the goddess of the cloaca, or sewage of Rome. Others, however, suppose it to be equivalent to Cluacina, a title given to Venus, because the Romans after the end of the Sabine war purified themselves (cluere) in the vicinity of her statue.
8 Forculum foribus, Cardeam cardini, Limentinum limini.
11 Cicero, De Nat. Deor. ii. 25.
12 Virgil, Georg. ii. 325, 326.
14 Virgil, Georg. iv. 221, 222.
17 So called from the consent or harmony of the celestial movements of these gods.
19 Livy, ii. 36; Cicero, De Divin. 26.
20 Called by Cicero (De Oratore, i. 39) the most eloquent of lawyers, and the best skilled lawyer among eloquent men.
24 Cic. De Nat. Dearum, lib. ii. c. 28.
25 Superstition, from superstes. Against his etymology of Cicero, see Lact. Inst. Div. iv. 28.
26 Balbus, from balbutiens, stammering, babbling.
27 See Cicero, De Nat.. Deor. i. 2.
2 On the application of astrology to national prosperity, and the success of certain religions, see Lecky's Rationalism, i. 303.
3 This fact is not recorded in any of the extant works of Hippocrates or Cicero. Vives supposes it may have found place in Cicero's book, De Fato.
12 Augstin notes that the name cousul is derived from consulere, and thus signifies a more benign rule than that of a rex (from regere), or dominus (from dominari).
21 Horace, Epist. i. l. 36, 37.
39 Of the Thrasymene Lake and Cannae.
41 Constantious, Constantine, and Constans.
42 Panegyr, de tertio Honorii consulatu.
5 Of the four books De Acad., dedicated to Varro, only a part of the first is extant.
6 Cicero, De Quaest. Acad. i. 3.
7 In his book De Metris,, chapter on phalaecian verses.
8 Tarquin the Proud, having bought the books of the sibyl, appointed two men to preserve and interpret them (Dionys. Halic. Antiq. iv. 62. These were afterwards increased to ten, while the plebeians were contended for larger privileges; and subsequently five more were added.
15 Intercido, I cut or cleave.
17 Comp. Tertullian, Adv. Nat. ii. 11; Arnobius, Contra Gent. iv.; Lactantius, Inst. i. 20.
18 Mentioned also by Tertullian, Apol. 12, but not extant.
19 Numina. Another reading is nomina; and with either reading another translation is admissible; "One is announcing to a god the names (or gods) who salute him."
1 Tert. Apol. 13, Nec electio sine reprobatione; and Ad Nationes, ii. 9, Si dei bulbi seliguntur, qui non seliguntur, reprobi pronuntiantur.
2 Cicero, De Nat. Deor ii., distinguishes this Liber from Liber Bacchus, son of Jupiter and Semele.
8 The father Saturn, and the mother Ops, e.g., being more obscure than their son Jupiter and daughter Juno.
11 Virgil, Aeneid, viii. 357, 358.
14 Quanto iste innocentior esset, tasto frontosier appareret; being used for the shamelessness of innocence, as we use "face" for the shamelessness of impudence.
15 Cicero, Tusc. Quaest. v. 13.
16 An interesting account of the changes made in the Roman year by Numa is given in Plutarch's life of that king. Ovid also (Fasti, ii.) explains the derivation of February, telling us that it was the last month of the old year, and took its name from the lustrations performed then: Februa Romani dixere piamina patres.
17 Ennius, in Cicero, De Nat. Deor. ii. 18.
20 Summa, which also includes the meaning-last.
21 Virgil, Eclog. iii. 60, who borrows the expression from the Phoenomena of Aratus.
22 Soranus lived about B.C. 100. See Smith's Dict.
25 Pecunia, that is, property; the original meaning of pecunia being property in cattle, then property or wealth of any kind. Comp. Augustin, De discipl. Christ. 6.
34 Varro, De Ling. Lat. v. 68.
37 In the book De Ratione Naturali Deorum.
42 Virgil, Aeneid, viii. 319-20.
44 Plutarch's Numa; Livy, xl. 29.
45 Comp. Lactantius, Instit. i. 6.
2 Sapiens, that is, a wise man, one who had attained to wisdom.
11 De Doctrina Christiana, ii. 43. Comp. Retract. ii. 4, 2.
12 Liberating Jewish slaves, and sending gifts to the temple. See Josephus, Ant. xii. 2.
22 Pliny (Hist. Nat. xxviii. 2) and others quote the law as running: Qui fruges incantasit, qui malum carmen incantasit...neu alienam segetem pelexeris.
23 Before Claudius, the prefect of Africa, a heathen.
24 Another reading, whom they could not know, though near to themselves.
25 These quotations are from a dialogue between Hermes and Aesculapius, which is said to have been translated into Latin by Apuleius.
38 Comp. The Confessions, vi. 2.
1 See Plutarch, on the Cessation of Oracles.
3 De Fin. iii. 20; Tusc. Disp. iii. 4.
4 The distinction between bona and commoda is thus given by Seneca (Ep. 87, ad fin.): Commodum est quod plus ususest quam rnolestioe; bonum sinecrum debet esse et ab omni parte innoxium.
8 Seneca, De Clem. ii. 4 and 5.
15 Plotinus died in 270 A.D.. For his relation to Plato, see Augustin's Contra Acad. iii. 41.
21 Augustin apparently quotes from memory from two passages of the Enneades, 1. vi. 8, and ii. 3.
25 daimwn=dah/mwn, knowing; so Plato, Cratylus, 398. B.
3 Namely, o=oulei/a: comp. Quaest in Exod. 94; Quaest. in, Gen. 21; Contra Faustum, 15. 9, etc.
6 2 Chron. xxx. 9; Eccl. xi. 13; Judith vii, 20.
10 Augustin here remarks, in a clause that cannot be given in English, that the word religio is derived from religere.-So Cicero, De Nat. Deor. ii. 28.
22 On the service rendered to the Church by this definition, see Waterland's Works, v. 124.
23 Literally, a sacred action.
33 Gen. xv. 17. In his Retractations, ii. 43, Augustin says that he should not have spoken of this as miraculous, because it was an appearance seen in sleep.
39 Plotin. Ennead. III. ii. 13.
43 Meaning, officious meddlers.
49 The Platonists of the Alexandrian and Athenian schools, from Plotinus to Proclus, are at one in recognizing in God three principles or hypostases: 1st, the One or the Good, which is the Father; 2nd, the Intelligence or Word, which is the Son; 3rd, the Soul, which is the universal principle of life. But as to the nature and order of these hypostases, the Alexandrians are no longer at one with the school of Athens. On the very subtle differences between the Trinity of Plotinus and that of Porphyry, consult M. Jules Simon, ii. 110, and M. Vacherot, ii. 37.-Saisset.
54 John viii. 25; or "the beginning," following a different reading from ours.
63 According to another reading, "You might have seen it to be," etc.
66 Comp. Euseb. Praep. Evan. xiii. 16.
70 Namely, under Diocletian and Maximian.
1 Written in the year 416 or 417.
5 Homine assumto, non Deo consumto.
6 Quo itur deus, qua itur homo.
7 A clause is here inserted to give the etymology of proesentia from proe sensibus.
8 Another derivation, sententia from sensus, the inward perception of the mind.
12 A common question among the Epicureans; urged by Velleius in Cic. De. Nat. Deor. i. 9, adopted by the Manichasas and spoken to by Augustin in the Conf. xi. 10, 12, also in De Gen. contra Man. i. 3.
14 Number begins at one, but runs on infinitely.
17 Comp. de Gen. ad Lit. i. and iv.
21 Vives here notes that the Greek theologians and Jerome held, with Plato, that spiritual creatures were made first, and used by God in the creation of things material. The Latin theologians and Basil held that God made all things at once.
23 Mali enim nula natura est: sed amissio boni, mall nomen accepit.
24 Plutarch (De Plac. Phil. i. 3, and iv. 3) tells us that this opinion was held by Anaximenes of Miletus, the followers of Anaxagoras, and many of the Stoics. Diogenes the Cynic, as well, as Diogenes of Appollonia seems to have adopted the same opinion. See Zeller's Stoics, pp. 121 and 199.
25 Ubi lux non est, tenebroe sunt, non quia aliquid sunt tenebrae, sed ipsa; icis absentia tenbroe dicuntur.-Aug. De. Gen. contra Man. 7.
27 The strongly Platonic tinge of this language is perhaps best preserved in a bare literal translation.
28 Vives remarks that the ancients defined blessedness as an absolutely perfect state in all good, peculiar to God. Perhaps Augustin had a reminiscence of the remarkable discussion in the Tusc. Disp. lib. v., and the definition, Neque ulla alia huic verbo, quum beatum dicimus, subjecta natio est, nisi, secretis malis omnibus, cumulata bonorum complexio.
29 With this chapter compare the books De Dono Persever, and De Correp. et Gratia
33 Cf. Gen. ad Lit. xl. 27 et seqq.
42 It must be kept in view that "vice" has, in this passage, the meaning of sinful blemish.
44 Quintilian uses it commonly in the sense of antithesis.
48 The reference is to the Timaeus, p. 37 C, where he says, "When the parent Creator perceived this created image of the eternal Gods in life and motion, He was delighted, and in His joy considered how He might make it still liker its model."
50 The passage referred to is in the Timaeus p. 29 D: "Let us say what was the cause of the Creator's forming this universe. He was good: and in the good no envy is ever generated about anything whatever. Therefore, being free from envy, He desired that all things should, as much as possible, resemble Himself."
53 Proprietas [The Greeks call it idiw/thj or idion, i. e. the propriety or characteristic individuality of each divine person, namely the fatherhood, paternitas, a/gennhsia, of the first person; the sonship, filiatio, generatio gennhsia, of the second person; the procession, processio, e'kpo/reusij, of the third person.-P. S.]
54 This is one of the passages cited by Sir William Hamilton, along with the Cogito, ergo sum of Descartes, in confirmation of his proof, that in so far as we are conscious of certain modes of existence, in so far we possess an absolute certainty that we exist. See note A in Hamilton's Reid, p. 744.
55 Compare the Confessions, xiii. 9.
57 Vitium: perhaps "fault," most nearly embraces all the uses of this word.
59 Comp. Aug. Gen. ad Lit. iv. 2, and De Trinitate, iv. 7.
60 For passages illustrating early opinions regarding numbers, see Smith's Dict. art. Number.
66 In Isa. xi. 2, as he shows in his eighth sermon, where this subject is further pursued; otherwise, one might have supposed he referred to Rev. iii. 1.
68 Augustin refers to John viii. 25; see p. 195. He might rather have referred to Rev. iii. 14.
78 Augustin himself published this idea in his Conf. xiii. 32 but afterwards retracted it, as "said without sufficient consideration" (Retract. II. vi. 2). Epiphanius and Jerome ascribe it to Origen.
80 Namely, the Audians and Sampsaeans, insignificant heretical sects mentioned by Theodoret and Epiphanius.
5 With this may be compared the argument of Socrates in the Gorgias, in which it is shown that to escape punishment is worse than to suffer it, and that the greatest of evils is to do wrong and not be chastised.
13 Augustin no doubt refers to the interesting account given by Critias, near the beginning of the Timoeus, of the conversation of Solon with the Egyptian priests.
14 Augustin here follows the chronology of Eusebius, who reckons 5611 years from the Creation to the taking of Rome by the Goths; adopting the Septuagint version of the Patriarchal ages.
16 It is not apparent to what Augustin refers. The Arcadians, according to Macrobius (Saturn. i. 7), divided their year into three months, and the Egyptians divided theirs into three seasons: each of these seasons having four months, it is possible that Augustin may have referred to this. See Wilkinson's excursus on the Egyptian year, in Rawlinson's Herod. Book ii.
17 The former opinion was held by Democritus and his disciple Epicurus; the latter by Heraclitus, who supposed that "God amused Himself" by thus renewing worlds.
18 The Alexandrian Neo-Platonists endeavored in this way to escape from the obvious meaning of the Timoeus.
19 Antoninus says (ii. 14): "All things from eternity are of like forms, and come round in a circle." Cf. also ix. 28, and the references to more ancient philosophical writers in Gataker's notes in these passages.
20 Eccles. i. 9, 10. So Origen, de Prin. iii. 5, and ii. 3.
29 Titus i. 2, 3. Augustin here follows the version of Jerome, and not the Vulgate. Comp. Contra Priscill. 6, and de Gen. c. Man. iv. 4.
30 2 Cor. x. 12. Here, and in Enar. in Ps. xxxiv. and also in Cont. Faust. xxii. 47, Augustin follows the Greek, and not the Vulgate.
31 I. e. indefinite, or an indefinite succession of things.
39 Cicero has the same (de Amicitia, 16): Quonam modo quisquam amicus esse poterit, cuise se putabit inimicum esse posse? He also quotes Scipio to the effect that no sentiment is more unfriendly to friendship than this, that we should love as if some day we were to hate.
41 Coquaeus remarks that this is levelled against the Pelagians.
"Quando leoni
Fortior eripuit vitam leo?
quo nemore unquam
Exspiravit aper majoris dentibus apri?
Indica tigris agit rabida cum tigride pacem
Perpetuam; saevis inter se convenit ursis.
Ast homini," etc. Juvenal, Sat. xv. 160-5.-See also the very striking lines which precede these.
43 See this further discussed in Gen. ad Lit. vii. 35, and in Delitzsch's Bibl. Psychology.
49 Compare de Trin. iii. 13-16.
51 The deity, desirous of making the universe in all respects resemble the most beautiful and entirely perfect of intelligible objects, formed it into one visible animal, containing within itself all the other animals with which it is naturally allied.-Timaeus, c. xi.
1 This book is referred to in another work of Augustin's (contra Advers, Legis et Prophet. i. 18), which was written about the year 420.
2 On this question compare the 24th and 25th epistles of Jerome, de obitu Leoe, and de obitu Blesilloe filiae. Coquaeus.
4 On which see further in de Peccat. Mer. i 67, et seq.
5 De Babitismo Parvulorum is the second half of the title of the book, de Peccatorum Meritis et Remissione.
13 Much of this paradoxical statement about death is taken from Seneca. See, among other places, his epistle on the premeditation of future dangers, the passage beginning, Quotidie morimur, quotide enim demitur aliqua pars vitae.
22 A translation of part of the Timaes, given in a little book of Cicero's, De Universo.
23 Plato, in the Timaeus, represents the Demiurgus as constructing the kosmos or universe to be a complete representation of the idea of animal. He planted in its centre a soul, spreading outwards so as to pervade the whole body of the kosmos; and then he introduced into it those various species of animals which were contained in the idea of animal. Among these animals stand first the celestial, the gods embodied in the stars, and of these the oldest is the earth, set in the centre of all, close packed round the great axis which traverses the centre of the kosmos.-See the Timaeus and Grote's Plato, iii. 250 et seq.
24 On these numbers see Grote's Plato, iii. 254.
27 A catena of passages, showing that this is the catholic Christian faith, will be found in Bull's State of Man before the Fall (Works, vol. ii.).
34 Those who wish to pursue this subject will find a pretty full collection of opinions in the learned commentary on Genesis by the Jesuit Pererius. Philo was, of course, the leading culprit, but Ambrose and other Church fathers went nearly as far. Augustin condemns the Seleucians for this among other heresies, that they denied a visible Paradise.-De Haeres. 59
39 In uno commune factum est omnibus.
14 On the punishment of the devil, see the De Agane Christi, 3-5, and De Nat. Boni, 33.
22 See Augustin, De Haercs. 46.
25 Tit. i. 8, according to Greek and Vulgate.
26 John xxi. 15-17. On these synonyms see the commentaries in loc.
78 Crantor, an Academic philosopher quoted by Cicero, Tusc quaest. iii. 6.
86 Gen. vi. 6, and 1 Sam. xv. 11.
98 That is to say, it was an obvious and indisputable transgression.
103 Cicero, Tusc. Quaest. iii. 6 and iv. 9. So Aristotle.
106 An error which arose from the words. The eyes of them both were opened, Gen. iii. 7.-See De Genesi ad lit. ii. 40.
108 This doctrine and phraseology of Augustin being important in connection with his whole theory of the fall, we give some parallel passages to show that the words are not used at random: De Genesi ad lit. xi. 41; De Corrept. et Gratia, xi. 31; and especially Cont. Julian. iv. 82.
110 See Plato's Republic, book iv.
111 The one word being the Latin form, the other the Greek, of the same adjective.
112 By Diogenes Laertius, vi. 69, and Cicero, De Offic. i. 41.
119 See Virgil, Georg. iii. 136.
121 The position of Calama is described by Augustin as between Constantine and Hippo, but nearer Hippo.-Contra I.it. Petil. ii. 228, A full description of it is given in Poujoulat's Histoire de S. Augustin, i. 340, who says it was one of the most important towns of Numidia, eighteen leagues south of Hippo, and represented by the modern Ghelma. It is to its bishop, Possidius, we owe the contemporary Life of Augustin.
124 Compare Basil's Homily on Paradise, and John Damascene, De Fide Orthad. ii. 11.
22 We alter the pronoun to suit Augustin's interpretation.
28 C. Faustum. Man. xii. c. 9.
31 Lamech, according to the LXX.
33 Virgil, Aen., xii 899, 900. Compare the Iliad, v. 302, and Juvenal, xv. 65 et seqq. "Terra malos homines nunc educat atque pusillos."
35 See the account given by Herodotus (i. 67) of the discovery of the bones of Orestes, which, as the story goes, gave a stature of seven cubits.
36 Pliny, Hist. Nat. vii. 49, merely reports what he had read in Hellanicus about the Epirotes of Etolia.
37 Our own Mss., of which Augustin here speaks, were the Latin versions of the Septuagint used by the Church before Jerome's was received; the "Hebrew Mss." were the versions made from the Hebrew text. Compare De Doct. Christ. ii. 15 et seqq.
38 Jerome (De Qunaest. Heb. in Gen.) says it was a question famous in all the churches-Vives.
39 "Quos in auctoritatem celebriorum Ecclesia suscepit."
40 See below, book xviii. c. 42-44.
42 On this subject see Wilkinson's note to the second book (appendix) of Rawlinson's Herodotus, where all available reference are given.
43 One hundred and eighty-seven is the number given in the Hebrew, and one hundred and sixty-seven in the Septuagint; but notwithstanding the confusion, the argument of Augustin is easily followed.
44 Gen. vii. 10, 11, (in our version the seventeenth day).
52 His own children being the children of his sister, and therefore his nephews.
53 This was allowed by the Egyptians and Athenians, never by the Romans.
54 Both in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, though not uniformly, nor in Latin commonly.
66 Eusebius, Jerome, Bede, and others, who follow the Septuagint, reckon only 2242 years, which Vives explains by supposing Augustin to have made a copyist's error.
74 Or, according to another reading, "Which I briefly said in these verses in praise of a taper."
76 See De Doct. Christ. i. 28.
78 On these kinds of devils, see the note of Vives in loc, or Lecky's Hist. of Rationalism, i. 26, who quotes from Maury's Histoire de la Magie, that the Dusii were Celtic spirits, and are the origin of our "Deuce."
82 Gen. vi. 1-4. Lactantius (Inst. ii. 15), Sulpicius Severus (Hist. i. 2), and others suppose from this passage that angels had commerce with the daughters of men. See further references in the commentary of Pererius in loc.
83 Aquila lived in the time of Hadrian, to whom he is said to have been related. He was excommunicated from the Church for the practice of astrology; and is best known by his translation of the Hebrew Scriptures into Greek, which he executed with great care and accuracy, though he has been charged with falsifying passages to support the Jews in their opposition to Christianity.
86 Lit.: The Lord thought and reconsidered.
89 In his second homily on Genesis.
3 See Contra Faust. xii. c. 22 sqq.
14 Augustin here follows the Greek version, which introduces the name Elisa among the sons of Japheth, though not found in the Hebrew. It is not found in the Complutensian Greek bans ration, nor in the Mss. used by Jerome.
24 Here Augustin remarks on the addition of the particle ne to the word non, which he has made to bring out the sense.
26 Pliny, Hist. Nat. vii. 2; Aulus Gellius, Noct. Att. ix. 4.
44 Various reading, "of our Lord Jesus Christ."
50 Various reading, "the express promise."
57 Various reading, "who are to remain."
64 Gen. xvii. 1-22. The passage is given in full by Augustin.
70 Ps. cxix. 119. Augustin and the Vulgate follow the LXX.
108 Gen. xxxii. 28: Israel = a prince of God; ver. 30; Peniel = the face of God.
110 Augustin here follows the Septuagint, which at Gen. xlvi. 20 adds these names to those of Manasseh and Ephraim, and at ver, 27 gives the whole number as seventy-five.
119 1 Pet. ii. 2; 1 Cor. iii. 2.
122 Infans, from in, not, and fari, to speak.
13 Ps, xciv. 11; 1 Cor. iii. 20.
18 By whom we see her made fruitful.
21 Ps. xvi. 10; Acts ii. 27, 31.
24 For the poor man is the same as the beggar.
39 Isa. xxxviii. 22; Rom. ix. 28.
70 Matt. i. 1, 18; Luke i. 27.
92 Another reading, "consummation."
101 Israel-a prince of God; Peniel-the face of God (Gen. xxxii. 28-30).
102 Ps. cx. 1, quoted in Matt. xxii. 44.
103 1 Kings xiii. 2; fulfilled 2 Kings xxiii. 15-17.
122 2 Tim. iv. 1; 2 Pet. iv. 5.
131 Ps. lxix. 21; Matt. xxvii. 34, 48.
134 Sallust, Bell. Cat. c. xi.
140 Prov. ix. 1-5 (ver. 1 is quoted above in ch. 4).
143 Eccles. ii. 24; iii. 13; v. 18; viii. 15.
2 In the Hebrew text, Gen. xxv. 7, a hundred and seventy-five years.
6 The priests who officiated at the Lupercalia.
11 Varro, De Lingua Latina, v. 43.
13 The Sibylline Oracles are a collection of prophecies and religious teachings in Greek hexameter under the assumed authority and inspiration of a Sibyl, i.e., a female prophet. They are partly of heathen, partly of Jewish-Christian origin. They were used by the fathers against the heathen as genuine prophecies without critical discrimination, and they appear also in the famous Dies irae alongside with David as witnesses of the future judgment ("teste David cum Sibylla.") They were edited by Alexander, Paris, 2d. ed. 1869, and by Friedlieb (in Greek and German). Leipzig, 1852. Comp. Ewald: Ueber Entstehung, Inhalt und Werth der sibyll. Bucher, 1858, and Schürer, Geschichte der jüd Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu (Leipzig, 1885), ii. § 33, pp. 700 sqq., Engl. transl. (Hist. of the Jews in the times of Jesus. Edinburgh and New York, 1886), vol. iii. 271 sqq.-P. S.]
14 [Hence the fish was a favorite symbol of the ancient Christians. See Schaff, Church Hist. (revised ed.), vol. ii. 279 sq.-P. S.]
17 Isa. i. 1. Isaiah's father was Amoz, a different name.
19 The chronicles of Eusebius and Jerome.
29 Amos ix. 11, 12; Acts xv. 15-17.
30 Isa. lii. 13; liii. 13. Augustin quotes these passages in full.
54 Jer. ix. 23, 24, as in 1 Cor. i. 31.
60 Jer. xxxi 31; see Bk. xvii. 3.
80 Heb. xi. 7; 1 Pet. iii. 20, 21.
83 Ex. xx. 13-15, the order as in Mark x. 19.
84 [Jerome was an older contemporary of Augustin, and next to him the most influential of the Latin fathers. He is the author of the Latin translation of the Scriptures, which under the name of the Vulgate is still the authorized Bible of the Roman church. He died at Bethlehem, 419, eleven years before Augustin.-P. S.]
85 Var. reading, "both in Greek and Latin."
91 Isa. vii. 14, as in Matt. i. 23.
92 Isa. x. 22, as in Rom. ix. 27, 28.
93 Ps. lxix. 22, 23; Rom. xi. 9, 10.
120 Isa. xi. 4; 2 Thess. i. 9.
2 Alluding to the vexed question whether virtue could be taught.
3 The prima naturae, or prw=ta kata' fu/sin of the Stoics.
4 Frequently called the Middle Academy; the New beginning with Carneades.
6 Ps. xciv. 11, and 1 Cor. iii. 20.
8 Cicero, Tusc. Quaest. iii. 8.
22 He refers to the giant Cacus.
27 Servus, "a slave," from servare, "to preserve."
37 Augustin's words are: e0ti/, quippe, super; skopo/j, vero, intentio est: ergo e0piskopei=n, si velimus, latine superintendere possumus dicere.
43 Augustin here warns his readers against a possible misunderstanding of the Latin word for alone (soli), which might be rendered "the sun."
46 I Tim. ii. 2; var. reading, "purity."
14 Augustin quotes the whole passage, Matt. xiii. 37-43.
20 Matt. xxv. 34-41, given in full.
27 Rev. xx. 1-6. The whole passage is quoted.
31 [Augustin, who had formerly himself entertained chiliastic hopes, revolutionized the prevailing ante-Nicene view of the Apocalyptic millennium by understanding it of the present reign of Christ in the Church. See Schaff, Church History, vol. ii. 619.-P. S.]
32 Mark iii. 27; "Vasa" for "goods."
42 Between His first and second coming.
58 And, as Augustin remarks, are therefore called cadavera, from cadere, "to fall."
75 "Apud inferos," i.e. in hell, in the sense in which the word is used in the Psalms and in the Creed.
88 Augustin therefore read nei=koj, and not with the Vulgate ni/kh. [The correct reading is to' ni=koj, later form for ni/kh, victory.-P. S.]
91 2 Pet. iii. 3-13. The whole passage is quoted by Augustin.
92 2 Thess. ii. 1-11. Whole passage given in the Latin. In ver. 3 refuga is used instead of the Vulgate's discessio.
93 Augustin adds the words, "Sicut dicimus, Sedet in amicum, id ett, velut amicus; vel si quid aliud isto locutionis genere dici solet."
117 As the Vulgate: cadavera virorum.
118 Here Augustin inserts the remark, "Who does not see that cadavera (carcases) are so called from cadendo (falling)?"
123 Dan. vii. 15-28. Passage cited at length.
126 Gen. xvii. 5, and xxii. 18.
146 Mal. iii. 1-6. Whole passage quoted.
7 Aristotle does not affirm it as a fact observed by himself, but as a popular tradition (Hist. Anim. v. 19). Pliny is equally cautious (Hist. nat. xxix. 23). Dioscorides declared the thing impossible (ii. 68).-Saisset.
"Sed neque tam facilis res ulla 'st, quin ea primum
Difficilis magis ad credendum constet: itemque
Nil adeo magnum, nec tam mirabile quicquam
Principis, quod non minuant mirarier omnes
Paulatim."
9 Alluded to by Moore in his Melodies:
"The fount that played
In times of old through Ammon's shade,
Though icy cold by day it ran,
Yet still, like souls of mirth, began
To burn when night was near."
11 See the same collocation of words in Cic. Nat. deor. ii. 3.
12 The etymologies given here by Augustin are, "monstra," a monstrando; "ostenta," ab ostendendo; "portenta," a portendendo, i.e. praeostendendo; "prodigia," quod porro dicant, i.e. futura praedicant.
23 "Talio," i.e. the rendering of like for like, the punishment being exactly similar to the injury sustained.
26 Remanerent. But Augustin constantly uses the imp. for the plup. subjunctive.
27 Plato's own theory was that punishment had a twofold purpose, to reform and to deter. "No one punishes an offender on account of the past offense, and simply because he has done wrong, but for the sake of the future, that the offense may not be again committed, either by the same person or by any one who has seen him punished."-See the Protagoras, 324, b, and Grote's Plato, ii. 41.
30 Compare Goldsmith's saying, "We begin life in tears, and every day tells us why."
36 See Aug. Ep. 98, ad Bonifacium.
37 On the heresy of Origen, see Epiphanius (Epistola ad Joannem Hierosol.); Jerome (Epistola 61, ad Pammachium); and Agustin (De Haeres, 43). Origen's opinion was condemned by Anastasius (Jerome, Apologia adv. Ruffinum and Epistola 78, ad Pammachium), and after Augustin's death by Vigilius and Emperor Justinian, in the Fifth (Oecumenical Council, Nicephorus Callistus, xvii. 27, and the Acts of the Council, iv. 11).-Coquaeus.
55 [This contains the germ of the doctrine of purgatory, which was afterwards more fully developed by Pope Gregory I., and adopted by the Roman church, but rejected by the Reformers, as unfounded in Scripture, though Matt. xii. 32, and 1 Cor. iii. 15, are quoted in support of it.-P. S.]
62 It is the theory which Chrysostom adopts.
80 1 Cor. iii. 15. [This is the chief passage quoted in favor of purgatory. See note on p. 470. The Apostle uses a figurative term for narrow escape from perdition.-P. S.]
12 Another reading has diffamatum, "published."
13 A somewhat fuller account of this miracle is given by Augustin in the Confessions, ix. 16. See also Serm. 286, and Ambrose, Ep. 22. A translation of this epistle in full is given in Isaac Taylor's Ancient Christianity, ii. 242, where this miracle is taken as a specimen of the so-called miracles of that age, and submitted to a detailed examination. The result arrived at will be gathered from the following sentence: "In the Nicene Church, so lax were the notions of common morality, and in so feeble a manner did the fear of God influence the conduct of leading men, that, on occasions when the Church was to be served, and her assailants to be confounded, they did not scruple to take upon themselves the contrivance and execution of the most degrading impostures."- P. 270. It is to be observed, however, that Augustin was, at least in this instance, one of the deceived. [On Augustin's views on post-apostolic miracles see Card. Newman, Essay on Miracles, Nitzsch, Augustinas Lehre vom Wunder (Berlin, 1865) and Schaff, Church History, vol. iii. 460, sqq.-P. S.]
14 Alypius was a countryman of Augustin, and one of his most attached friends. See the Confessions, passim.
16 Easter and Whitsuntide were the common seasons for administering baptism, though no rule was laid down till towards the end of the sixth century. Tertullian thinks these the most appropriate times, but says that every time is suitable. See Turtull, de Baptismo, c. 19.
18 This may possibly mean a Christian.
20 Augustin's 325th sermon is in honor of these martyrs.
21 See Isaac Taylor's Ancient Christianity, ii. 354.
22 See Augustin's Sermons, 321.
42 Another reading is, "Head over all the Church."
60 Coaptatio, a word coined by Augustin, and used by him again in the De Trin. iv. 2.
62 He apparently has in view the celebrated passage in the opening of the second book of Lucretius. The uses made of this passage are referred to by Lecky, Hist. of European Morals, i. 74.
81 Job xix. 26. [Rev. Vers.; "from my flesh," with the margin: "without my flesh."-P. S.]
92 Or, the former to a state of probation, the latter to a state of reward.
99 [On Augustin's view of the millennium and the first resurrection, see Bk. xx. 6-10.-P. S.]
5 Book. ii. chap. 28. See p. 547.
6 This book is among the lost works of Ambrose.
2 Matt. xiv. 17, etc.; xx. 34.
12 Compare Eph. i. 23 with Rom. xii. 5.
14 Compare Matt. xvi. 19 with xviii. 18.
17 Matt. xxii. 37-39. Compare Lev. xix. 18; Deut. vi. 5.
2 John xii. 3-7; Mark xiv. 8..
11 1 Cor. xiii. 12; 2 Cor. v. 7.
13 That is, Ezra and Nehemiah.
14 Augustin in his Retractations withdrew this opinion so far as regards the book of Wisdom.
15 This application of the phrase "Old Testament" is withdrawn and apologized for in the Retractations.
16 Bovem triturantem non infrenabis.-1 Cor. ix. 9.
17 Isa. lviii. 7, "And that thou hide not thyself from thine own flesh" (A. V.).
18 Et domesticos seminis tui ne despexeris.
19 Et carnem tuam ne despexeris.
21 Isa. vii. 9, "If ye will not believe, surely ye shall not be established" (A. V.).
22 Nisi credideritis, non intelligetis.
23 Nisi credideritis, non permanebitis.
27 Adulterinae plantationes non dabunt radices altas.
30 "And what the land is that they dwell in, whether it be good or bad; and what cities they be that they dwell in."-Num. xiii.19 (A.V.).
31 "But upon himself shall my holiness flourish."-Ps. cxxxii. 18 (see LXX.). "But upon himself shall his crown flourish" (A.V.).
32 "Because the foolishness of God is wiser than men, and the weakness of God is stronger than men" (1 Cor. 1. 25).
33 "What is foolish of God is wiser of men, and what is weak of God is stronger of men."
34 The translation here referred to is the Vetus Latina, as revised by the Church of Northern Italy in the fourth century, prior to the final recension of Jerome, commonly called the Vulgate.
35 Among these are Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, and Clemens Alexandrinus. Comp. Augustin, De Civ. Dei, xviii. 43, and Epp. 71 and 75.
42 Ex. xxiv. 18; 1 Kings xix. 8; Matt. iv. 2.
50 1 Sam. xxviii., comp. Ecclus. xlvi. 20.
51 Ventriloqua femina. The woman with a familiar spirit to whom Saul resorted in his extremity is called in the Septuagint translation e0ggastri/muqoj. See 1 Sam. xxviii. 7.
54 See Tylor's Early History of Mankind, pp. 42, 43.
61 Augustin himself corrected this mistake. Retractations, ii. 4.
62 Qui sophistice loquitur, odibilis est. Ecclus. xxxvii. 20.
65 Ne quid nimis-Terence, Andria, act i. scene 1.
66 Ex. iii. 21, 22; xii. 35, 36.
3 In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and God was.
4 This Word was in the beginning with God.
6 The same was in the beginning with God.
8 The Vulgate reads, multo magis melius, omitting the enim.
14 The English language has no two words expressing the shades of meaning assigned by Augustin to percontatio and interrogatio respectively.
17 Ps. cxxxix. 16. "My substance was not hid from Thee when I was made in secret" (A. V.).
18 My bone was not hid from Thee.
20 1 Thess. iii. 7. "Therefore, brethren, we were comforted over you" (A. V.).
23 Gal. iii. 24. The word paidagwgo/j means strictly not a schoolmaster, but a servant who takes children to school.
34 Matt. vii. 12. Comp. Tobit iv. 15.
36 Rom xii. 20; ; Prov. xxv. 21, 22.
37 John xii. 25. Comp. Matt. x. 39.
38 Ecclus. xii. 4. Comp. Tobit iv. 17.
43 Comp. 2 Sam. xvi. 22; xviii. 5; xix. 1.
46 2 Chron. i. 10-12; 1 Kings xi. 1-3.
48 Comp. Jas. iv. 6 and 1 Pet. v. 6.
64 The word piscina (literally a fish-pond) was used in post-Augustan times for any pool of water, a swimming pond, for instance, or a pond for cattle to drink from.
67 Isa. lxi. 10 (LXX.). "As a bridegroom decketh himself with ornaments, and as a bride adorneth herself with jewels"(A.V.).
89 Comp. Ps. cxix. 164 with xxxiv. 2.
100 Isa. xiv. 12 (LXX.). "How art thou fallen from heaven, O Lucifer, son of the morning!" (A. V.).
101 Isa. xiv. 12 (LXX.). "How art thou cut down to the ground, which didst weaken the nations!" (A. V.).
2 Cicero de Oratore, iii. 31; Quinctil, Inst. Orat. i. 1, 2.
3 Cicero, de Inventione Rhetorica i. 1.
5 Cf. Cicero, Orator. 21: "Sed est eloquentiae, sicut reliquarum rerum, fundamentum sapientia".
7 Cf. Cicero, Orator. 62: "Quae nescio cur, cum Graeci ko/mata et kw=la nominent, nos non recte incisa et membra dicamus".
8 Cf. Cicero, de Claris Oratoribus, 44: "Comprehensio et ambitus ille verborum (si sic periodum appellari placet.)".
10 The only apparent difference between membrum and caesum is, that the former is the longer of the two. It is impossible to express the difference in English.
14 Amos vi. 1-6. The version given above, which is a literal translation of Jerome's Latin, as quoted by Augustin, differs from the English authorized version.
15 Cicero, Orator. 23: "Quaedam etiam negligentia est diligens".
16 "I shall not assemble their assemblies of blood," Ps. xvi. 4. (Vulgate.) "Their drink-offerings of blood will I not offer." (A. V.)
17 Cicero, Orator. 21: "Est igitur eloquens qui ita dicet, ut probei, ut delectet, ut flectat." Not quoted accurately by Augustin.
18 "Probare, necessitatis est; delectare, suavitatis; flectere, victoriae."
19 "And the priests bear rule by their means." (A. V.)
37 Cicero, Orator. 29: "Is isitur erit etoquens, qui poterit parva summisse, modica temperate, magna granditer dicere."
49 Instead of "ne feceritis in concupiscentiis," which is the translation as quoted by Augustin.
51 An allusion to Virgil's Aeneid, vii. 508: "Quod cuique repertum Rimanti, telum ira fecit."
59 Ad. Caecilium, Ep. 63, 1, 2.
64 De Spiritu Sancto, lib. i. Prol.
65 De habitu Virginum, chap. vii.
67 De habitu Virginum, chap. xviii.
68 De Virginibus, lib. ii. chap. i.
71 Cyprian, de habitu Virginum, chap. xii.
72 Ambrose, de Virginibus, lib. ii.
84 1 Tim. i. 5 and Rom. xiii. 10.
