Early Church Fathers
73 Hist. Eccl. i. 30, 31.
74 Op. cit. I. 31. The recantation of Liberius and of the Italian bishops may be read in Hlilary's 12th Fragment.
75 E.g. Trin. i. 17.
76 Similarly in iv. 2 he alludes to the first book, meaning that which we call first, though, as we saw, in v. 3 he speaks of our fifth as his second.
77 i.e. in the passage introduced as a connecting link with the books which now precede it, when the whole work was put into its present shape.
78 E.g. ix. 31 to iii. 12, ix. 43 to vii. 7.
79 E.g. x. 54 in.
80 viii. I, x. 4.
81 This heresy is not even mentioned in xii. 6, where the opening was obvious.
82 Dr. Gwatkin, Studies of Arianism, p. 226.
83 Cf. Gore's Dissertations, p. 134.
84 St. Luke xxii. 32, where e0deh/qhn is translated as a passive. Christ is entreated for Peter. There seems to be no parallel in Latin theology.
85 E.g. the cento from the De Trinitate attached to the Invective against Counstantius.
86 ii. I.
87 Newman, Arians of the Fourth Century, ii. v. 2.
88 v. 6.
89 E.g. bk. iii. is largely reproduced in ix.; ii. 9 f.==xi. 46
90 E.g. i. 19, ii. 2, iii. I, iv. 2, viii. 53, xi. 46f.
91 Cf. v. I (beginning of column 130 in Migne), x. 4.
92 E.g. v. 3 fin.
93 Cf. Ad Const. ii. 8, in writing which his own words in the De Trinitate must have come into his mind. He had probably borrowed the thought from Origen, contra Celsum, i. 62. Similar apostrophes are in v. 19, vi. I9 f., 33.
94 Cf. x. 57 in.
95 All instance is xi. 24 in.
96 E.g. in his masterly treatment, from his point of view, of the Old Testament Theophanies, iv. 15 f.
97 Cf. viii. 26 f. ix. 41.
98 Orosius, Apol. 1.
99 E.g. iv. 42, fin.
100 E.g. i 17.
101 Cf Kruger, Lucifer Bischof von Calaris, p. 39.
102 Fragment xi.
103 Chron. ii. 45.
104 Jerome, Apol. adv. Rufinum, i, 2 says that the total length of the Commentaries on Job and the Psalms was about 40,000 lines, i.e. Virgilian hexameters. The latter, at a tough estimate, must be nearly 35,000 lines in its present state. But Jerome, as we shall see, was not acquainted with so many Homilies as have come down to us; we must deduct about 5,000 lines, and this will leave l0,000 for the Commentary on Job, making it two sevenths of the length of the other. Jerome, however, is not careful in his statements of lengths; he calls the short De Synodis `a very long book0' Ep. v. 2.
105 Tractatus ought to be translated thus. It is the term, and the only term. Used so early as this for the bishop's address to the congregation; in fact, one might almost say that tractare, tractatus in Christian language had no other meaning. It is an anachtonism in the fourth century to render praedicare `preach ;0' cf. Duchesne, Liber Pontificalis, i. 126.
106 E.g. fundamen, Tr. in Ps. cxxviii. 10, germen, cxxxiv. 1, revolubilis, ii. 23 peccamen, ii. 9 fin., and often. The shape of sentences though simple is always good; to take one test word, saepe, which was almost if not quite extinct in common use, occurs fairly often near the end of a period, where it was needed for rhythm, which frequenter would have spoiled. Some Psalms, e.g. xiii., xiv., are treated more rhetorically than others.
107 Psalm li. is the only exception, due, no doubt, to careless transcription. The Homilies on the titles of Psalms ix. and xci. do not count; they are probably spurious, and in any case are incomplete, as the text of the Psalms is not discussed.
108 So Zingerle, Preface, p. xiv, to whom we owe the excellent Vienna Edition of the Homilies, the only part of Hilary's writing which has as yet appeared in a critical text. The writer of the former of these two Homilies, in § 2, says that the title of a Psalm always corresponds to the contents. This is quite contrary to Hilary's teaching, who frequently points out and ingeniously explains what seem to him, to be discrepancies.
109 E.g. in the Instruction or discourse preparatory to the Homilies, and in the introductory sections of that on Ps. 118 (119).
110 E.g. Instr. in Ps., § 12, the fifty days of rejoicing during which Christians must not prostrate themselves in prayer, nor fast.
111 Ps. 118, Ain., § 16.
112 The account of exorcism given on Ps. 64, § 10, suggests Cyptian, Ad. Don. 5, but the subject is such a commonplace that nothing definite can be said.
113 He is here cited by the volume and page of the edition by Lommatzsch. His system of interpretation is admirably described in the fourth of Dr. Bigg's Bampton Lectures, The Christian Platonists of Alexandria.
114 Hil. Tr. in Ps. 13, § 3, his igitur ita grassantibus, sq. = Origen (ed. Lommatzsch) xii. 38.
115 E.g. Instr. in Ps., § 15 = Origen in Eusebius, H. E. vi. 25 (Philocalia 3), Hilary on Ps. 51, §§ 3, 7 = Origen xii. 353, 354, and very often on Ps. 118 (119), e.g. the Introduction = Or. xiii. 67 f. Aleph, § 12 = ib. 70. Beth, § 6 = ib. 71, Caph, §§ 4, 9 = ib. 82, 83, &c
116 Hares. 64, 12 f.
117 Origen xiii. 134, Hilary has omitted this from his Homily on Ps. 134, § 12.
118 Instances of such independence are Ps. 118, Daleth, § 6 (xiii. 74), 119, § 15 (ib. 108), 122, § 2 (ib. 112), 133, § 3 (ib. 131). The references to Origen are in brackets.
119 E.g. Ps. 118, Heth, § 10, 121, § 1; Origen xiii. 80, 111.
120 Ps. 118, Gimel, § 21.
121 Origen xiii. 72; Hilary, Ps. 118, Gimel, § 1.
122 Cf. also Ps. 118, Heth, § 7, Koph, § 4, with Origen xiii. 79, 98. Here again the spirit of independence manifests itself towards the end of the work.
123 Cf. Ps. 118, Samech, § 6 Origen xiii. 92.
124 Ps. 143, § 4; Origen xiii. 149.
125 Vir. Ill. 100.
126 J. F. Gamurrini, S. Hilarii Tractatus de Mysteriis et Hymni, etc., 4to., Rome, 1887. The De Mysteriis occupies pp 3 - 28.
127 Ed. Gamurrini, p. 5.
128 ib. p. 17.
129 ib. p. 21; there is the not uncommon play on the two senses of colligere.
130 ib. p. 27.
131 It must be confessed that some authorities refuse to regard this work as the De Mysteriis of Hilary. Among these is Ebert, Litteratur des Mittelaiters, p. 142, who admits that the matter might be Hilary's, but denies that the manner and style are his.
132 Comm. in Ep. ad Gal. ii. pref.: Hilarius in hymnorum carmine Gallos indociles vocat. This may mean that Hilary actually used the words `stubborn Gauls0' in one of his hymns. There would be nothing extraordinary in this; the early efforts, and especially those of the Arians which Hilary imitated for a better purpose, often departed widely from the propriety of later compositions, as we shall see in one of those attributed to Hilary himself.
133 It is true that the Fourth Council of Toledo (a.d. 633) in its 13th canon couples Hilary with Ambrose as the writer of hymns in actual use. But these canons are verbose productions, and this may be a mere literary flourish, natural enough in countrymen and contemporaries of Isidore of Seville, who knew, no doubt from Jerome's Viri Illustres, that Hilary was the first Latin hymn writer.
134 Two of the simplest stanzas are as follows:- Extra qualm caper potent Flex quid potuit fidemens humana res tantas penitusmanet Filius in Patre, credulus assequi,rursus quem penes sit Pater ut incorporeo ex Deodignus, qui genitus est profectus fueritFilius in Deum. primogenitus Dei.It is written in stanzas of six lines in the ms.; the metre is the second Asclepiad. Gammurrini, the discoverer, and Fechtrup (in Wetzer Welte's Encyclopaedia) regard it as the work of Hilary. but the weight of opinion is against them.
135 By Gamurrini in Studi e documenti, 1884, p. 83 f.
136 Printed in full by Mai, Patrum Nova Bibliotheca, p. 490. He suspends judgment, and will not say that it is unworthy of Hilary. The Benedictine editor, Coustant, gives a few stanzas as specimens, and summarily rejects it.
137 The four quarters of the universe are ortus, occasus, aquilo, septentrio; one of these last must mean the south. This would point to some German land as the home of the author; in no country of Romance tongue could such an error have been perpetrated. Perire is used for perdere, but this is not unparalleled.
138 In Mai's Patrum Nova Bibliotheca, vol. i., is a short treatise on the Genealogies of Christ. The method of interpretation is the same as Hilary's, but the language is not his; and the terms used of the Virgin in §§ 11, 12, are not as early as the fourth century. In the same volume is an exposition of the beginning of St. John's Gospel in an anti-Arian sense. In spite of some difference of vocabulary, there is no strong reason why this should not be by Hilary; cf. especially, §§ 5-7. Mai also prints in the same volume a short fragment on the Paralytic (St. Matt. ix.2), too brief for a judgment to be formed. In Pitra's Spicilegium Solesmense, vol. i., is a brief discussion on the first chapters of Genesis, dealing chiefly with the Fall. It appears, like the Homilies on the Psalms, to be the report of some extemporary addresses, and is more likely than any of the preceding to be the work of Hilary. It is quite in his style, but the contents are unimportant. But we must remember that the scribes were rarely content to confess that they were ignorant of the name author whom they transcribed; and that, being as ill-furnished with scruples as with imagination, they assigned everything that came to hand to a few fandliar names. Two further works ascribed to Hilary are obviously not his. Pitra, in the volunme of an already cited. has printed considerable remains of a Commentary on the Pauline Epistles, which really belongs to Theodore of Mopsuestia; and a Commentary on the seven Canonical Epistles, recently published in the Spicilegium Casinense, vol iii., is there attributed,with much reason,to his namesake of Arles.
139 Contra Auxentium, §7.
140 It is clear from Hilary's account (Contra Auxentium. §7) that the decision lay with the laymen. Auxentius, in his account of the matter, does not even mention the bishops.
141 This was a gross exaggeration. They cannot have been more than 400, and probably were less and we must remember that the Homoean decision was only obtained by fraud, as Auxentius well knew.