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11 See II. 48, and note 8.

12 See IV. 34, note 4.

13 See Prolegom., p. vii.

14 For other Epistles in which bishops are forbidden to interfere, except in the case of need, with monasteries, see Index under monasteries. Also Prolegom., p. xx.

15 This is among the many evidences found in Gregory's Epistles that monks in his day were essentially laymen. The active duties incumbent on the clergy were held to be inconsistent with monastic life.

16 This letter is interesting as one of those which shew Gregory's carefulness to retain influence over pious lay friends of position, and his uniform tone of courtesy in addressing them. Maurentius appears to have been a military officer of studious habits in Sicily.

17 The woman had fled to the precincts of some church for protection from one George, who apparently claimed her as his slave. The right of temporary asylum in sacred precincts, from which refugees could not be taken without the bishop's assent, rested on imperial edicts. "Vide lib. I. Cod., tit. 12, cap. 3, ubi imperatores Theodosius et Valentianus plurima de septis ecclesiasticis statuunt...Vocantur etiam claustra dominica, et continent atria et porticus ecclesioe, domum episcopi, xxx vel xl passus in circuitu, et domus quoe iu eis fuerint. Tandem cessavit ista immunitas ob abusus." (Note to I. 37 in Migne's Patrilogia). Cf. X. 37, where directions are given to Januarius, bishop of Cagliari, for his course of action in such cases.

18 I.e. as to whether she was a free-woman or a slave.

19 Samaroeo, meaning apparently a Samaritan, and as such incapable, as Jews were,of holding Christian slaves. See Prolegom., p. xxi., and references there. In the case before us here the Samaritan claimant had himself become a Christian; and an attempt had been made on this plea to recover for him the Christian slave who had been emancipated from his father. But this Gregory will by no means allow.

20 See II. 27, note 2.

21 A grandchild of Rusticiana. See as above.

22 See VI. 27, VII. 17, VIII. 10, and III. 47, note 2.

23 At this time Gregory's apocrisiarius at Constantinople. Cf. VII. 31, IX. 82.

24 Callinicus, who at this time was Exarch of Italy at Ravenna. See IX. 9, with note, and III. 47, note 2.

25 Proconsul of Dalmatia. Cf. IX. 5, and III. 47, note 2.

26 Cf. VII. 40, for Gregory's view of the sees of Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch, jointly representing the see of St. Peter.

27 Cf. VII. 4, and 34.

28 Cf. V. 18, note 5.

29 "Dominicam sacerdotam," perhaps with allusion to the name of Dominicus.

30 See II. 47, note 6.

31 The date varies in some few mss.

32 The address in the text is "Episcopo Scillitano." That the see was that of Scyllacium in Brutia appears from the contents of the epistle. Syllacium itself appears to have been a Castrum, which had been erected on land belonging to a monastery. The epistle is illustrative of Gregory's anxiety to protect the property and privileges of monasteries against bishops. See Prolegom., p. xx.,, and references in Index under Monasteries.

33 Sub xenii quasi specie.For the meaning of the word xenium, see II. 23, note 8.

34 Libellis factis; meaning apparently that there had been written memoranda of agreement.

35 The word solatium is variously used, sometimes for any kind of aid or succour; sometimes for remuneration for services done, or grants in aid; here apparently for payment in the way of rent for the land occupied.

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